L

LT🔸

37 karmaJoined Pursuing an undergraduate degreeWorking (0-5 years)

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  • Completed the Introductory EA Virtual Program
  • Completed the In-Depth EA Virtual Program
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  • Attended an EAGx conference

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Thank you for the correction! I think what threw me off was the previous video’s impressive 6M views by comparison. I just spent some time looking at examples of how highly successful videos from smaller channels often perform, and I think my perception of the relationship between initial performance and total views was miscalibrated because of how I've observed popular videos from well-established channels performing.

I really enjoyed this video! I have one quick note.

Based on the early performance of your first video, I’m a little surprised that this one isn’t on a more similar trajectory in terms of views. While I don’t want to over-speculate,[1] it seems plausible that YouTube’s moderation system may have mischaracterized the title as borderline content, which could have limited its visibility in searches and recommendations.


 

  1. ^

    Turns out I was incorrect about this detail!

[This comment is no longer endorsed by its author]Reply

Thank you for writing this! This is a framing I haven't heard before, and I'm glad to have had the chance to read it.

The thesis of this post appears to be that there are overlooked opportunities in general policy advocacy that could have high leverage in GHD compared to more direct interventions, and that we should pursue them. I like this thesis directionally, but I have a few concerns.

My first is about Nunn's argument that "since the initiation of antidumping duties requires significant legal capacity, these are typically initiated by wealthier countries and are often against less-developed countries." Could another explanation be that there are higher rates of dumping in developing countries, potentially due to differences in domestic enforcement capacity or incentives? Some literature suggests that developing countries are generally under less scrutiny for compliance with international trade policy (https://www.chadpbown.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/Bown-Hoekman-JWT-2008.pdf), which leads me to doubt that antidumping duties are applied in a way that systematically disadvantages developing countries.

I also have a concern about the claims you make about the importance of consumer power as a lever for improving international labor standards. In the sweatshop example, if higher wages did not come at the expense of less production or fewer jobs, then the change seems clearly good. However, the 400% increase in minimum wages appears to be nominal, since it looks like real minimum wage in Indonesia rose only about 50% from 2000 to 2010 (or 200% from 1990 to 2012) (https://www.researchgate.net/figure/Minimum-Wage-Growth-from-1990-2012-Note-Monthly-nominal-and-real-minimum-wages_fig1_282966999).

In the coffee example, you state that "recent evidence by Dragusanu and Nunn (2018) finds that consumer purchases of fair trade-certified coffee result in increased incomes of FT-certified coffee farmers in Costa Rica." But the more important question is about incomes across the whole coffee farmer sector (and the laborers those farmers employ), and I don't know if changes to those groups necessarily followed from changes to the incomes of FT-certified farmers.

Based on the quotes you include, I also share the worry that Nunn's arguments sometimes risk overemphasizing harms from Western policy. When talking about things like "biased" trade policy, I think it's pretty important to make clear fact-value distinctions, and I worry that Nunn blurs that line.

I'm sympathetic to the idea that "global aid advocacy is not a substitute for advocacy into good policy by the West," and I think a more constructive way for it to be framed is as an additional set of (potentially overlooked) items in the arsenal of GHD policy advocates. That said, I have a central concern about whether these generally good policy efforts in developed nations are actually neglected enough to be good candidates for high-value advocacy. As David T noted in another comment, if existing actors already lobby heavily for them, additional EA efforts could have a relatively small marginal impact.

Thank you again for writing this post. While my comment was mostly a criticism, I appreciate what you brought into public discussion on the EA Forum with this post, and I'm glad I had the opportunity to read and comment on it. 

This is an amazing speech, and as someone who has to write speeches from time to time, I appreciate the opportunity to hear part of your process laid out in this post. 

And another today, this one an exclusive article about the first travel-associated human case in the U.S. connected to the outbreak. My impression is that it isn't realistically possible for these screwworms to cause a human outbreak in this context, but I think the human cases that will arise from this outbreak could be a compelling part of a broader narrative about its welfare costs and the urgency to control it. 

https://www.reuters.com/business/environment/us-confirms-nations-first-travel-associated-human-screwworm-case-connected-2025-08-25/

Thanks for writing this! I’m looking forward to reading the rest of the sequence.

I’m curious what approach you’ll take in deciding when to include concrete examples and numbers. On the one hand, examples and statistics from organizations you’ve studied could make your claims more compelling and increase the chance others will apply them in their own decision-making. On the other hand, I recognize there may be privacy concerns with some of the organizations you’ve spoken with, and I know that this isn’t meant to be representative research.

I understand these posts are meant as initial reflections, and I’m glad you’ve chosen to share them. Still, my first reaction was that including more data will likely be important if the outcomes are to be widely taken as practical suggestions for improving governance within EA orgs.

What have you identified as the relevant constraints on the scaling of phage therapies to more clinical settings? I'm not an expert, but I've worked on phage biology as a student researcher, and my impression is that the bottleneck on progress for phage therapies isn't available GMP manufacturing facilities but rather the technical ability to do the necessary tailoring of phage therapies to specific infections at scale and the availability of strong RCT evidence that--with available scalable technologies--we can actually do that. 

Since you're more involved in this field, I realize you may have more current or deep knowledge of the topic, and if you have the capacity, I'd appreciate to hear your perspective on the most relevant bottlenecks on progress in phage therapeutics. 

“In Texas cattle country, ranchers brace for flesh-eating screwworms”

Second and third Reuters front-page articles I’ve seen on the issue in the last few months.

I suspect funding and openness to new solutions may increase in response to this growing problem, which could create opportunities for projects like Screwworm-Free Future. 

https://www.reuters.com/world/texas-cattle-country-ranchers-brace-flesh-eating-screwworms-2025-08-15/

https://www.reuters.com/business/healthcare-pharmaceuticals/mexican-ranchers-hit-by-flesh-eating-screwworm-want-action-cattle-smuggling-2025-08-15/

Updated with second article, which I didn’t originally notice. 

Thanks for your detailed response! These arguments make sense to me and are valuable to hear, since my background isn't in animal advocacy or HR. If this does become a full post, it sounds like the results of your research will be valuable to have out there, and I think being explicit about what specific bottlenecks you've identified in NGO work will be important part of that. 

Is that saturation of great people in nonprofits a result of this nonprofit sector approaching some ceiling/seeing significantly diminishing returns for impact with respect to marginal great people, or is it a result of there being fewer opportunities for marginal impact just at existing orgs? That seems like a potential crux for deciding how to proceed. If it’s the latter, I think it makes sense to ask whether it’s because of a limited number of orgs in general, a limited pool of effective leadership/management for additional orgs, or a limited pool of funding available for additional orgs. I’m assuming you’ve considered and have a good answer for this question; I ended up leaving this comment because I’m curious and because I think it would be valuable to clarify this point if you make a larger post from the content of this take. I also understand that this part of your argument comes from watching the job market, which I think could easily be inscrutable with respect to the contributions of those separate constraints. 

That said, I don’t know if that question is a crux of your overall post for me. It seems plausible that the opportunities you refer to lying outside the nonprofit space could be more impactful for the marginal strong candidate regardless, and I’d enjoy reading a longer post that talks about that in more detail.

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