One of the authors of the original CGD blog here.
Hi Nick,
Thanks again for engaging. I don’t think your criticism is correct and I’ll try again to explain why here in more detail.
Our blog argued that after a UK visa policy change in 2020, there was a change in the trend or growth rate in both nurse migrants to the UK and new nurse trainees. To show this we present data from both before and after the policy change in 2020. The data you present from only post-2021 can't therefore refute our argument. We’re arguing that the situation could have been worse in the absence of the policy change, with even fewer new nurses being accredited in Nigeria.
Between 2018 and 2020 there was increasing migration to the UK, before the visa change, but the rate of increase dramatically accelerated following the visa change. In our previous blog we left implicit the idea of the counterfactual - that absent the policy change in 2020, trends would have continued as they had previously.
What about other countries?
You’re right to point out our lack of data for other destination countries. If our theory is correct (and it is only really a theory), we should expect to see a spike in nurse migration to the UK after 2020, and no change in nurse migration to other destination countries. The best data on this would probably be going through each destination country's records, but as a short-cut I took a look at the OECD data on annual flows of Nigerian-trained nurses to OECD countries. This data is I’m sure flawed, but it is entirely consistent with our argument. The OECD suggests that in the most recent year for which data is available the UK is by far the largest recipient of nurse migrants from Nigeria, with a flow of 1,709 in the latest available year, followed by the United States (87), Ireland (82), Canada (36), New Zealand (24), Germany (9), and Italy (1). Furthermore, the trends fit our theory entirely. Unfortunately, there is no data for the United States after 2015, but for Ireland, Canada, New Zealand, Germany, and Italy, there is no change in annual flows after 2021, whilst there is a huge spike for the UK.
Is this really plausible? It probably shouldn’t be that surprising that the largest flows from anglophone Nigeria are to other anglophone countries, with a particularly high demand for jobs in the UK given historical links and the fact that it is geographically closer to Nigeria than the other anglophone countries and in a closer time zone. For another source, a recent survey of Nigerian nurses found that the UK was the most preferred migration destination (Badru et al 2024, Investigating the emigration intention of health care workers: A cross‐sectional study).
What about the short time lag between the visa policy change and nurse training?
Is it implausible that nurse graduate numbers would increase so quickly in response to visa opportunities, given that training takes 3-5 years? This is a fair concern. If there was a steady pipeline of trainees progressing smoothly through the 3-5 year training course and all trainees then taking the professional exam at the end of their training period, then yes it would be impossible to see such a sudden increase. If however on the other hand there are significant numbers of trainees who have been enrolled on and off for a cumulative period of 3-5 years but had not previously sat the professional exam, for instance due to a lack of available job opportunities, then the emergence of new job opportunities could easily lead to the observed rapid bump in exam candidates.
Is migration reducing the availability of health care in Nigeria?
For this to be true, you would have to assume that all trained health care workers are able to find jobs in Nigeria in healthcare, which doesn’t seem likely to be true to me. You dismiss the World Health Organisation workforce data on nurses per capita because it is noisy, and argue we should instead rely on the data from the Nursing and Midwifery Council of Nigeria, a government agency. I have bad news for you, because the WHO gets its data mostly from government agencies. WHO supplements government data where it can with more reliable census or survey data, but its unlikely to be significantly less reliable than the official government data. Official data from low- and middle-income countries is often noisy, but what does seem apparent to me from the long time period available in the WHO data is that there is no ongoing downward trend in the availability of nurses in Nigeria. An alternative data source are the Demographic and Health Surveys, which show the share of births attended by a skilled provider. This is relatively flat over time from 1990 to 2021.
Ultimately our blog was speculative - we have a clear theory that training should respond to job opportunities, which seems to be consistent with the data we presented. As we wrote in the blog, this data is not definitive and doesn't prove our argument. But the data you have presented doesn’t contradict our argument either, and neither do any of the other new data sources I have consulted, whether from the OECD, WHO, or DHS. None of this data is perfect and we might be wrong, but I don’t think you’ve made that case yet.
Thanks,
Lee
TLDR: The immediate drop in Nigerian nursing workforce isn't indicative of the long-run effect of rich country nursing visas. Prior evidence suggests that the increasing in nursing supply will be lagged, but big enough swamp the effect of outmigration.
Hi Nick, thanks for this! Point well taken on the misleading numbers in the CGDev article. I share your skepticism that the UK policy could have caused an uptick in the Nigerian nurse population within 2 years of its introduction. In the first couple of years of the policy, the outmigration is plausibly a net-loss for Nigeria before we consider the effects of remittances.
That said, the crux of the cost-benefit calculation (bracketing remittances for now) is the effect of UK nurse recruitment on the Nigerian nurse workforce over the longer run. In particular, we have evidence (open access) from the Philippines[1] showing that expansions in US nursing visas caused an additonal 9 non-migrant nurses to be licensed for each nurse who migrated to the US. We can think of the big surge in nursing supply as being driven by the hopes of winning the "migration lottery" to the US, with most lottery entrants losing.
Crucially, the increase in nurse licensing only showed up after at least a 4-year lag (the time it took to complete a nursing degree). This increase involved both increasing enrollment at existing institutions, but also an increase in the number of nurse-training programs, which would show up with even further lags. If the Nigerian case mirrors that of the Philippines, we wouldn't have expected the increase to be visible yet. I think you made a similar point when you said :
The Philippines nursing example is the closest analog we have in the research, but we see a similar mechanism at work in the boom in engineering/CS skills in India in response to changes in the US H1-B cap (Khanna and Morales, 2021).[2]
Now, there may be institutional differences between the Filipino/Indian and Nigerian cases that cause there not to be similar effects. For example, there could be bottlenecks to expanding existing nursing colleges or setting up new ones. Alternatively, all the increase in nursing supply could be absorbed by other countries. I'm not familiar enough with the country to have a view on this, so I'd be curious if you think the Nigeria is particularly well or badly suited to expand nursing supply.
The CGDev authors cite this research, and I'm guessing this drives their views more than the spotty WB/WHO data.
And here's another paper with similar findings in the context of Fiji.
Nice one lots of important points there thank you.
First I want to stress I'm not an expert or even that well versed in this area, I just saw an article that I thought was deeply flawed and tried to correct the situation (still waiting for CGD response). Its great that this has triggered good commentary about the actual issue though and I'll engage as best I can, I find it fascinating and I think its an important issue.
My take is that the Phillipines situation seems so different from the situation here in Sub-Sarahan African that it has limited applicability here. Even just looking at the "Brain drain vs brain gain" simplistic framing (bracketing remittances and other benefits/harms), the Phillipines situation mostly doesn't translate. Like you say we will see over the next few years whether increased nurse training will soon compensate for both those that leave every year and the deficit of tens of thousands which has already happened but I'm skeptical. My very low confidence take would be that within 2-3 years based on current trends the yearly no. trained might creep just past the number who leave, but will not replace the current deficit, nor keep up with the still rapidly increasing population.
To state the obvious, the current Nigeria situation provides evidence in the opposite direction the Phillipines article
"Our research provides evidence against the idea that skilled migration necessarily depletes origin countries of health professionals or college graduates more broadly."
So far from the limited data we have (See Nigeria above, and other West African countries like Ghana and Liberia are similar), skilled migration is depleting some origin countries of health workers.
Looking more deeply though, I think the "brain-gain vs brain drain" framing isn't super useful as there are so many other factors at play. Rather the EA style framing of "overall net positive vs. net negative" is better as we can include a range of factors in our analysis, even if they are hard to quantify. Just looking at the Phillipines situation, here's a top-of-the mind list of i potential positives and negatives from the Phillipines mass training/migrations. Far from exhaustive
Potential Positives
- Remittances from the nurses that managed to emigrate (Massive in this case)
- Increase in overall skilled worker training
- No shortage of trained nurses in Phillipines
Potential Negatives (often harder to quantify)
- Dissatisfaction within the Phillipines Health system. How can nurses be satisfied with a local wage in the Phillipines, when so many of their colleagues have orders of magnitude higher wages abroad? This is a neglected downside in these mass migration situations. In the Phillipines there are so many registered nurses now unwilling to work there that the government is changing the rules so that they can employ unregistered nurses who haven't yet passed the board exam...
https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/1912359/nurses-group-hits-band-aid-solution-to-shortage-problem
- Gutting of senior staff/talent/leaders - senior and better nurses emigrate easier, leaving more junion/less talented nurses at home
- "Brain drain" from other skilled work The article points out that most of the new nursing stock was people who would have done another post-grad qualification if not nursing. This means other fields which needed workers (engineering, law etc.) may have suffered some brain drain. Important to note though that overall skillled graduation increased.
- The training glut left thousands of trainees without a meaningful qualification. Only 38% percent of the new glut of nurses passed the registration exam vs. 58% before. So on finishing training almost 2 out of 3 nurses wasn't able to work at all.
I would lean towards the overall situation in the Phillipines being net positive, but I'm not sure its a complete slam-dunk.
To follow up on your Nigerian Question, as we can see from the increasing number of graduates in the CGD article, Nigeria is already doing a pretty good job at expanding nursing supply. Based on current evidence though, I doubt they can do it quick enough to keep up with emigration. I don't know the Nigerian situation, but here in Uganda most private nursing schools have spare capacity. Once that has filled though it will become a lot harder to open new schools.
Like the Phillipines article said "Such a response may not be possible in all contexts, for example in sub-Saharan Africa, where the postsecondary education system may not expand as readily in response to increased demand"
Agreed that we should consider the broader set of costs/benefits you list! The top talent loss cost could be an especially a big deal in Nigeria, where I'd expect a weaker "bench" of substitute human capital than the Philippines (both for new potential nurses and for those who would train the new nurses/found new private colleges).
My (unquantified) view is that the CBA still looks pretty one-sided in the Philippines context, but I'd love to see what a formal modeling exercise produces (and if the conclusions are different for Nigeria or other Sub Saharan African countries).
I think there's strong evidence that there is in fact a far weaker "bench" of substitute capital in the Phillipines. Pre nurse-glut, 58% of nurses passed the registration exam, whereas post nurse-glut that dropped to 38%.
I agree that top talent loss is likely far less of a big deal in the Phillipines but for very different reasons - mainly because only 1 in 8 (or similar) new staff left, which should mean enough strong staff remain, even with the clear drop in average nurse quality.
Phillipines and Nigerian CBAs are likely be wildly different, even just based off the one datapoint that Nigeria has lost tens of thousands of net nurses through emigration while Phillipines gained.
Not sure if we disagree here. Of course I'd expect the average nurse quality to go down as the workforce increases by 9x. Rather, the claim about weaker substitutes in Nigeria was about explaining why Philippines nursing supply might be more price elastic than Nigerian supply. Specifically, since literacy, numeracy and high school graduation rates are likely significantly higher in Philippines than Nigeria, there's a larger share of the population that could plausibly respond to the migration demand shock by acquiring the relevant training.[1]
Agreed if we conducted the CBA today. However, as stated in the original comment, we want to be careful about lags here. Even in the Philippines, the migration increase started in 2000 when the US policy changed (Figure 3) and peaked in ~2006. While the enrollment rate in nursing programs did start increasing in 2000 itself (Figure 4, Panel A), the increase in the nurse graduation rate (i.e., the trained workforce) only started in 2004 (Figure 4, Panel B), and only hit it's peak in 2010, 10 years after the migration began. If we were looking at the change in Philippines' nurse workforce from 2000-2004, I think we might've concluded that they'd lost nurses and that the migration was a net-loss for them. Now, as we've discussed, there are reasons to believe that Nigerian nursing supply may not be as elastic as Philippines nursing supply, but I just wanted to emphasize that the current net-loss of nurses in Nigeria doesn't yet give us strong evidence that the CBAs will be wildly different.
Implicit here is that basic numeracy, literacy and high school graduation are pre-requisites for acquiring nurse training.
Yep agree with all of that. Nigeria has been losing quite a large number of nurses for 5 years now, but maybe the compensation will happen like in the Philippines like you say
Shall we check in here again in 5 years and see what happens ;).